Caste remains one of the most enduring and invisible structures of Indian society — dictating opportunity, mobility, and social power. Yet, for much of its independent history, the Indian state has refused to formally measure caste beyond Scheduled Castes (SCs) and Scheduled Tribes (STs). This deliberate silence has shaped decades of policy-making in a vacuum, reliant on outdated colonial data and political assumptions. That silence has now been broken.
On April 30, 2025, the Government of India officially announced that it will conduct a nationwide caste census. This decision comes after caste enumeration emerged as a pivotal issue in the 2024 general elections, where opposition parties galvanized voters with the slogan “jitni abadi, utna haq” — demanding proportional rights based on population. This marks a watershed moment in Indian democracy, potentially the most significant structural shift since Mandal.
To understand its weight, one must trace the long, contentious history of caste enumeration in India — from colonial beginnings to contemporary political battles.
Colonial Beginnings: 1871–1931 — Counting to Control
The practice of counting caste began with the 1871 Census, the first full census of British India. Successive censuses (1881 to 1931) refined and classified caste hierarchies, particularly under officials like Herbert Risley, who sought to rank castes by race and occupation. This was part of the colonial strategy to systematize Indian society for easier control — and also to justify imperial rule through a lens of civilizational superiority.
The 1931 Census became the last time comprehensive caste data (excluding SCs/STs) was collected at a national level. Ironically, this British-era data continues to shape Indian policy — including the Mandal Commission — to this day.
Post-Independence Silence: Idealism Versus Inequality
After independence, the Indian leadership, driven by the vision of a casteless society, decided to drop caste enumeration from the national census starting in 1951. Only SCs and STs were counted thereafter. Leaders like Jawaharlal Nehru believed that caste would gradually dissolve if it wasn’t officially acknowledged.
But caste did not fade away. Instead, it continued to structure access to land, education, employment, and political representation. In the absence of fresh data, policy-making depended on assumptions and outdated figures, particularly the 1931 data.
The Kerala Exception: A Forgotten Milestone in 1968
Well before the contemporary state-level movements, Kerala broke new ground by conducting a statewide caste-based socio-economic survey in 1968, under the Communist government led by E.M.S. Namboodiripad. This was a pioneering attempt to understand caste-linked inequalities in education, landholding, and employment.
The survey informed reservation policies and welfare distribution in Kerala, which would later help the state achieve some of the best social indicators in India. It stands as the first and only post-independence caste enumeration before the 21st century, a precedent ignored for decades but now seen in a new light.
Mandal Commission: A Milestone Built on an Outdated Foundation
In 1979, the Mandal Commission was established by the Janata Party government to identify and recommend measures for Socially and Educationally Backward Classes (SEBCs). However, in the absence of updated caste data, it had to rely on 1931 Census figures, along with sample studies and economic indicators.
The Commission recommended 27% reservations for OBCs, which were implemented in 1990 by V.P. Singh, sparking nationwide protests. The “Mandal moment” marked a political awakening for backward castes, but also exposed the fragility of policy built on outdated data. It reinforced the need for a fresh, comprehensive caste census — a call that remained unanswered for decades.
SECC 2011: A Missed Opportunity
The Socio-Economic and Caste Census (SECC) conducted in 2011 was a major attempt to bridge the data gap. It aimed to collect both economic deprivation indicators and caste data. While the socio-economic data was released and used for targeting welfare schemes, the caste data was never made public, citing inconsistencies, classification problems, and duplication.
The decision not to publish the caste data raised concerns over transparency and political will. Critics argued that this was a conscious attempt to withhold data that could empower marginalized groups or disrupt dominant political narratives.
State-Level Momentum: A Resurgence of Caste Counting
In the absence of national action, several states took matters into their own hands:
- Bihar (2022–2023): Chief Minister Nitish Kumar led the most prominent modern caste-based survey, releasing the findings in 2023. The survey revealed that OBCs and EBCs constituted more than 63% of the state’s population. The data reshaped political discourse, policy priorities, and electoral alliances, prompting calls for increased reservations and targeted welfare.
- Karnataka (2015): The Siddaramaiah government commissioned a comprehensive caste census, but successive administrations declined to release the findings. Leaked portions reportedly showed lower-than-expected numbers for dominant castes, threatening established power structures.
- Telangana (2021): Announced its own caste census, though the exercise has yet to be completed.
- Tamil Nadu and Kerala have continued to maintain community-level data through Backward Classes Commissions, and have vocally demanded a national caste census.
- Maharashtra, Uttar Pradesh, and Odisha have seen increasing demands from regional parties and civil society for similar initiatives.
These efforts reflect both a political reconfiguration — with backward caste groups asserting numerical strength — and a growing awareness that social justice requires data.
The Turning Point: 2024 Elections and April 30, 2025 Announcement
The 2024 general elections marked a decisive shift in the caste census debate. Opposition parties, led by regional and socialist outfits, made the caste census a core electoral demand. Their campaign centered around the principle of “jitni abadi, utna haq” — proportional representation and redistribution based on population data.
Facing mounting pressure, the ruling government, which had previously avoided committing to a full caste enumeration, was compelled to shift course.
On April 30, 2025, the Government of India officially announced that it would conduct a nationwide caste census. This historic announcement marks the first time since 1931 that the Indian state has committed to collecting comprehensive caste data — beyond SCs and STs — at the national level.
The Stakes and the Road Ahead
The implications are enormous. A caste census could:
- Reveal the actual population shares of OBCs, EBCs, and other backward communities
- Enable proportional reservation in jobs, education, and political representation
- Uncover intra-group inequalities within SCs, STs, and OBCs
- Support sub-categorization and rationalize the creamy layer exclusions
- Inform budgetary allocations and targeted welfare
However, the risks are equally real. Misuse of data, political polarization, or reduction of identities to mere numbers could derail the benefits. The success of the caste census will depend on transparent implementation, scientific categorization, and ethical use of data for inclusive policy, not just electoral arithmetic.
Conclusion: A Historic Reckoning
The caste census has never been just about numbers — it is about truth-telling, recognition, and repair. For decades, India’s public policy has been built on incomplete maps of its own society. That is now set to change.
The April 30, 2025 announcement marks a historic reckoning — the culmination of a struggle for visibility and voice that spans from colonial counts to Mandal to Bihar. It acknowledges that you cannot solve inequality if you refuse to measure it.
A caste census, responsibly conducted and wisely implemented, will not divide India — it will unveil it, and perhaps, unite it on fairer grounds. This is not the end of the journey, but the beginning of a more honest one.
Indian Political Debate 